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Sunday, June 26, 2022

Conservative Party: Who are the rebels and why do you want Boris Johnson?

Boris Johnson came to power as the “Heineken” leader of the Conservative Party: was able to reach parts of the electorate that other conservatives could not. But less than three years after securing a surprise electoral victory, he now has the distinction of attracting the largest vote of no-confidence in any prime minister.

That he is simply moving forward, while claiming that a vote of 211 lawmakers who supported 148 expressing distrust in his leadership is both “conclusive” and “reassuring”, reminding us that he is more than all his predecessors. have also gone ahead.

The results flow from the attempted coup. The most prominent of them is the ministerial reshuffle with a view to restore authority through the key levers open to the Prime Minister – the Protection. After a failed coup, it is not only about hiring and firing, but also about rewarding and punishing. With a secret ballot and a notoriously fake electorate, the rebels can be difficult to identify – especially when it was a far more widespread rebellion than their predecessor, Theresa May. But there are many rebels.

broad church

There have always been “ginger groups” or cabals in the Parliamentary Conservative Party, but never as today. Backed by social media, some are little more than WhatsApp groups, but others have deep roots.

The Tory Reform Group, formed in 1975, is the most hostile to Johnson personally and politically (some members especially so publicly). Similar One Nation Conservatives, particularly MPs, draw on Disraeli’s ancestral lineage and his concerns about a socially divided country. Thatcher is both “wet” to use the informal designation over the years.

In 1993, Eurosceptics established the European Research Group (ERG), a then frontier organization and a frontier concern that, within 20 years, was to transform British politics and effectively bring down two prime ministers. It has dwindled in prominence after the attainment of its purpose. But the tribes of the post-Brexit parliament sprouted.

are geographical. The existence of the Northern Research Group (NRG) is traditionally due to Johnson’s appeal in Labor seats (the “red wall”). The extent of its success will be measured by whether there is an NRG even after the next election. The China Research Group insists on a hard line on policy towards Beijing.

are cultural. The Common Sense group defends traditional values ​​(and idols) in the era of “vokari”, while overlapping blue collar conservatism promotes a range of causes that appeal to Ukip voters.

There are apparently pragmatic policy associations as well, which are actually deeply ideological. The Covid Recovery Group (CRG) broadly holds that the state – both practically and philosophically – was over its limits during the pandemic. In turn, Net Zero Scrutiny Group (NZSG) questions the certainties of the “Green Agenda”.

an array of grips

Tory tensions are heightened through the ideological dissonance of Johnson himself: a social liberal who took power through a populist nationalist movement, and then won a mandate based on state intervention (“leveling-up”), a leaning Which was reinforced by the pandemic.

‘Why am I the one who gets out?’
EPA-EFE/Tolga Akmen

Thus the NRG is more partial to state spending than the CRG or Common Sense Group. The One Nation Conservatives are unhappy with the Rwandan asylum seeker policy and the privatization of Channel 4, among other things. The CRG and NZSG disagree on the high-tax, high-spend – “non-conservative” – nature of Johnson’s government.

A unique motivation for the rebels – and those that cross tribal lines – is the personal integrity of the prime minister himself. No prominent politician has been so regularly called a liar (one of the many traits he shared with the similarly ideologically incompatible Donald Trump).

It is no more than a measured decision – though it sounds like a personal attack – to say that Johnson is the most dishonest prime minister since David Lloyd George, who survived similar scandals and misadventures before rising to the premiership ( to be eventually brought down by the Conservative MPs, who then formed a 1922 committee to mark the occasion). Both were imbued with a kind of brilliance that their supporters freed them from the tedious sanctities of honor and truthfulness.

All about Europe?

Britain has left the European Union does not mean that Europe has left British politics. The scars of the Brexit wars will be visible for a long time – although it affects Johnson less and more than expected. The Northern Ireland Protocol – an attempt to address the problem of having a hard border on the Irish Sea or the island of Ireland – remains a problem and a disgrace to many of their MPs.

Aside from Northern Ireland, Johnson has largely neutralized Europe as an issue (for now at least) by effecting a tough Brexit – and then purge the opposing remains. That means his MPs may be less divided over the age-old issue of EU membership, but his cabinet is weak because it has taken away talent that would otherwise be on the front bench.

The party faces by-elections on 23 June at Honiton and Tiverton in Devon and in the middle of the Red Wall in Wakefield, Yorkshire, with both the Conservatives expected to lose.

Johnson’s value to his party has been that he has never been perceived as being typical of it – that he has a wider appeal than his church. But with a 0% growth forecast, inflation the highest for 40 years, the biggest tax burden for 70 years, the Red Wall to be rebuilt, and the results of a parliamentary inquiry pending whether that is false, the grounds for revolt will rise. In – and therefore the prospect of the result is indeed both conclusive and reassuring.

World Nation News Desk
World Nation News Deskhttps://worldnationnews.com/
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