In order to be in power, Mauricio Macri decided this year to sacrifice not only Together for Change but also the party he founded. At this time, those around them not only ended the alliance with the radicals but also with the PRO: “The PRO as we know it will no longer exist. Some of us are in the ruling party and others in the opposition,” they summarize near the former president. Macri made a move that paid off and crowned Javier Milei as president. It is only a condition of the Congress and the governors to negotiate the places of his cabinet. Macri has done what La Libertad Avanza feared so much: he colonized them. Last Thursday was an hour of the wolves, where many leaders already installed by Milei fell and were replaced by officials from Macri and also from Juan Schiaretti.
Of course, the power struggle does not end in a day. In fact, somewhat cornered, Milei sent a statement to say that his project to “close the Central Bank is non-negotiable.” Is it because you have already negotiated with everyone?
But the best thing is to rewind this movie and see the whole journey that Macri took in 2023 to reach this gift.
Macri started the year with the idea of becoming the candidate of Together for Change for the presidency, to avenge his “second chance.” Although he now admits that if he ran, he would win hands down, the truth is that in March, he read some shocking polls and decided to announce that he would not be a candidate for anything.
A competition was then opened between the three leaders of the PRO: Patricia Bullrich, María Eugenia Vidal, and Horacio Rodríguez Larreta. Macri first favored the first two and then suddenly withdrew all support for Vidal—for his presidential project and for being a candidate for the leadership of the government. He was left with nothing. And Vidal understood the message and got down.
The first loss of Macri’s account Then he tried unsuccessfully to convince Larreta to come down (as the former president confessed in the last few weeks). Larreta denied that this conversation existed, but apparently, far from neutrality, Macri favored Bullrich for PASO.
Bullrich’s victory came, but Javier Milei was the first to make their victory worse. At least his. Macri seems happy. He explained that the problem is Larreta, who has a lot of continuity and is very close to Sergio Massa. Between PASO and the primaries, Macri often flirted with Milei, which brought him some problems with Bullrich. He also expelled the radicals as much as he could, something that, seen from now on, had something to do with the political change that came out of what Together for Change was.
After the general election, Macri immediately forced an alliance with Milei without consulting his party or his alliance. It doesn’t matter to break that space; the purpose is different—to create something new. In fact, this is what Macri and Bullrich proposed in 2022 and rejected by the radicals, Larreta and Elisa Carrió.
Therefore, Bullrich supported Milei, and Macri not only supported him publicly but also placed his entire bet on his victory: he got him financing, prosecutors, and media that had previously rejected him and began to treat Milei well. And for everything he did to get the election back.
After the ballot, Macri had several meetings with the president-elect, which resulted in a resounding change in the places assigned by Milei to his own people. If at first Milei seemed ready to “not pay” Macri and support his own people in the main government positions, leaving some second lines for the PRO, now the expectation is the opposite. A true colonization has begun with Macri’s Milei government, which is what those around them fear so much.
Again, you have to pay attention to the chronology.
Milei met with Macri.
Mili did not make the announcements expected by Macri.
*Cambiomita governors issued a scathing statement in which they reminded Milei that, without them, he would have no votes in Congress.
* The various media outlets responding to Macri began to announce that Milei should come on his own.
And then Patricia Bullrich went to security (a position requested and lost by Vice President Victoria Villarruel). Carolina Piparo, outside ANSES There is a strong possibility that Luis Caputo (Macri’s choice) will be the Minister of Economy, which caused the departure of the dollarizer Emilio Ocampo from the Central Bank and Carlos Rodriguez from the group of advisers to Milei. One fact: no one replaced their positions, but they resigned.
This could continue: it is rumored that Federico Pinedo may stay at Defensa (which will send Villarruel to the winter quarters). And places like AFIP, Enacom, and the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies are still in dispute. As Mario Wainfeld said, this story will continue.
The end of PRO
All the journeys made by Macri this year have consequences: Together for Change will dissolve, and the radicals with Carrió and Larreta can create their own space in opposition to Milei.
Macri will remain a part of the PRO, but it will no longer be the PRO he founded. “Not everyone will be involved in what Milei and I do,” they admitted around the Macri-Bullrich duo. “Some of us are in government, and some are in opposition. The PRO will no longer exist. At least, the PRO, as far as we know,” they said.
The political space first called the Republican Proposal, founded by Macri and Ricardo López Murphy in 2005 (the latter without López Murphy), will no longer exist with the composition it has. The seal can go to one of two spaces (more likely, Macri, who has been proven to be the owner of the votes). But it never happened before.
Partner with the government
There are talks between Macrista leaders about who will form Milei’s government. Is it a co-government with Macri? Is it a Milei government where they help in specific areas? Milei insists that there is no co-government, but within Macrismo there are divided opinions.
“This is not a co-government. The president directs and chooses certain people,” said another leader close to Macri who could end up in a place in the government itself. This answer has two questions: the first is that Milei did not continue to feel that the government was taken. The second is that all responsibility for what happens is on your head.
Said again: when Milei does well, Macri shares the applause. When the bad happens, you’re on your own.
Some leaders tend to think that there is something more similar to a co-government, but they do not want to say it completely: “What we will do… does not have a name yet,” they said.
It is still remarkable that Milei left the entire area in charge of preventing protests in charge of the PRO, both the Ministry of Security, which is again covered by Bullrich, and the City Police, which is controlled by the head of the government, Jorge Macri, with his potential Minister of Security, Waldo Wolff. During the suit, they will all be yellow.