The cameras and microphones set up to record the meeting in which a Gestapo was longed for to persecute trade unionists were placed the day before by technicians from the Federal Intelligence Agency (AFI). The individuals arrived with a ladder on their shoulders, they were received by a young lady in a stewardess outfit, they were not registered, and they had their hands free to do the installation: “You have an hour and twenty”, the young woman who went to look for them at the door told them. Total, they placed four cameras and a microphone hidden in the plaster of the ceiling. The next day, on June 15, 2017, the meeting was held, headed by the three high-ranking heads of the AFI and the Minister of Labor of María Eugenia Vidal. And on June 16, the structure was dismantled, always with the same procedure. All data will be received by federal judge Ernesto Kreplak, in charge of the file.
The “wiring” of the room made by AFI staff was the usual, but there was a striking exception: the cameras and microphones that were installed in the Ezeiza prison They were put by technicians from the City Police, seconded to the AFI. That espionage was done with a judicial order to, supposedly, listen to the King of Ephedrine, Mario Segovia. But it was used to spy on political, union and business leaders. This generated no less than 105,000 audio files –a huge figure– that are in the possession of the AFI and that the intervener, Cristina Caamaño, will go to Comodoro Py to request that the investigation be deepened (see separate).
The orders from above
The espionage operation at the anti-union Gestapo meeting was carried out, without a doubt, with the approval of the Buenos Aires government and the national government. It is not only demonstrated by the presence of three AFI directors –something unprecedented in the history of what SIDE was– nor because the images turned up on a spy central computer. The assembly of the structure to film and listen to the meeting is evidence of this, since the technicians entered without registering, worked freely in the room, left and returned the day after the meeting to disassemble everything.
None of these steps could be taken without orders coming from top-level authorities. On the one hand, from the national government, because it involved three directors of the AFI. On the other hand, from the Buenos Aires government, for access to the headquarters itself and because there were two ministers of María Eugenia Vidal. Surely Judge Kreplak and the Bicameral Commission for Monitoring Intelligence Organizations, led by Leopoldo Moreau, are in a position to find out, for example, how authorizations were given at Bapro to hold the meeting and to set up the entire espionage structure. .
The spies arrived with the ladder on their shoulders
On June 14, 2017, two AFI technicians went to the old Bapro building, on the seventh floor, to place all the devices. When they reached the bank, even with the ladder on their shoulders, a woman was waiting for them who ushered them in without registering. He told them, when they arrived at that kind of SUM (Multipurpose Room): “You have one hour and twenty minutes. I come looking for them.” Everything indicates that that same young woman, dressed as a stewardess, received the next day, at the door of the bank, all those who participated in the meeting. He also ushered them in, without registering, and escorted them to the living room.
When the hour and twenty of the previous day passed, the girl came to pick up the AFI technicians on time and made them leave the bank, obviously without registering the exit. Of course the girl had no decision power, they gave her the order.
The two AFI technicians took care of it, one of placing the cameras and the other of the sound. In total, four cameras were placed, two on each side of the room. Page 12 He already reported the existence of images taken from at least three different angles: apparently the fourth camera only worked in case of failure of the others. It is clear that it was not a security operation, because the cameras did not focus on the doors but on the table.
The technician who took care of the sound put the microphones above the table, in a kind of plaster fold in the ceiling. All that mattered was the content of the meeting and that is why what the protagonists said when they arrived and were near the doors is little perceived, but what they say sitting at the table is perfectly heard. It is perceived until the movement of papers. According to specialists told this newspaper, the audio was improved with the use of software.
The Gestapo meeting was held on Thursday, June 15. The operation was repeated on Friday. The AFI men went to disarm the structure. Another time they entered without registering, the same young woman again gave them an hour and twenty of time, came to look for them and took them out without leaving a trace. All in order from above.
Axis cameras made in USA
In principle, the images have the logo Axis because, indeed, the cameras are of that brand. But the purchase was not made by the AFI in Argentina, but abroad, as happened with the 120 encrypted phones that were delivered to political officials, judicial operators, friends of Mauricio Macri and even the Buenos Aires attorney, Julio Conte Grand, what that exhibits the judicial plot.
But, unlike the encrypted ones, in this case the purchase invoices were not found, which means that they were purchased with reserved funds. At the beginning of her tenure at the AFI, intervener Caamaño left a memorable phrase: “Even the toilet paper was bought with reserved expenses, that is to say, without leaving a record of anything”.
The meeting place in macrista politics
The most shocking thing that emerges from the plot of the placement of cameras and microphones is that everything was done to record that single meeting. Such an effort seems unheard of, but if you look at things closely, the pieces fit together:
- A month before the meeting at Bapro, the head of the AFI, Gustavo Arribas, and the Buenos Aires Minister of Labor, Marcelo Villegas, were at the Casa Rosada, in the presidential office, at the same time. The latter had a leading role in the meeting and the AFI sent three of its most important directors. The Minister of Labor of a province does not have the rank to meet with the President, but it is seen that Macri monitored these things.
- The central policy of the macrismo –2017 was an election year, but it happened before and after– consisted of provoking scandal after political-judicial-media scandal. Imprison Juan Pablo “Pata” Medina, Hugo and Pablo Moyano, Roberto Baradel, Daniel Scioli, Alberto Pérez, businessmen such as Cristóbal López and Fabián De Sousa and, of course, the leading figures of Kircherism, starting with former Vice President Amado Boudou, ministers like Julio De Vido and businessmen like Lázaro Báez. Of course, the main target was Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. The importance of that policy is evidenced by the enormous apparatus that they assembled for that single meeting.
- Another evident proof is the audio — advanced by Page 12-– in which the deputy commissioner of the Buenos Aires Police, Hernán Casassa, said that the Buenos Aires judicial committee –María Eugenia Vidal, Cristian Ritondo, Julio Conte Grand and Federico Salvai– met with heads of the AFI in the spy center building , in front of Casa Rosada. The product of those illegal investigations –without a court order– was sent “magically” to Elisa Carrió, who made the complaints. This was later confirmed by Casassa when he went to testify at the Bicameral.
- The number of espionage operations also highlights that this was a central policy: they spied on the prisons (see separate), on the Patria Institute, on the Bishop of Lomas de Zamora, Jorge Lugones –because he was talking on the phone with the Pope– , to soup kitchens and social movements in Buenos Aires, to referents of Together for Change who were not completely in tune with Macri, and personally two directors of the AFI, Juan Sebastián De Stefano and Fernando Di Pasquale, went to see Judge Luis Carzoglio so that he could sign the arrest warrant for the Moyanos. Espionage and armed causes everywhere.
- Things had the seal of Macri himself, as evidenced by the espionage of his younger sister, Florencia, and her partner.
It is now proven that the espionage structure was set up specifically for the Gestapo meeting. Everything consisted of laying a trap for Juan Pablo “Pata” Medina: the works would be stopped, the union would react, the AFI would be in charge of the filming and, as they said at the meeting, “the judicial part is fixed.” They would add what they considered another achievement to their strategy.
No one argues about the existence or not of crimes committed by the leader of the construction workers: in any case, a clean court case should have been carried out, without cheating. The current comptroller of the AFI -complainant in this case- long before taking office, as a prosecutor, she led the investigation that put behind bars, in 2011, a much more powerful trade unionist than Medina, the railway worker José Pedraza, responsible for the murder of the young militant of the Partido Obrero, Mariano Ferreyra.
Governor Vidal alleges that the AFI will have to explain why they filmed that meeting. The evidence indicates that the AFI, the national government and the Buenos Aires government acted together and there was superior authorization for it to be carried out in Bapro. Perhaps the purpose of recording the meeting was to show it to Macri himself later — an amazing hypothesis — or to have material to “squeeze” some businessman who, as the former president says, “tried to get his feet off the plate.”